A New Revenue Measure to Close the Budget Gap
The Corporate Income Inequality Tax — a pro-growth way to close Chicago's $1.2 billion gap while addressing the decades-long harms of income inequality.
A report by the Institute for the Public Good
Executive Summary
The City of Chicago is in the midst of a fiscal crisis – to the tune of a $1.2 billion deficit. This deficit has accrued over years of financial mismanagement of previous administrations, during which we saw the degradation of the public good while privatizing public services, and growing income inequality within this city.
In this moment of financial crisis, the City of Chicago can choose one of two paths – (1) continue the patterns of the past, pass an anti-growth budget of austerity that entails cuts to vital infrastructure and city services, whilst leaving this city's communities vulnerable to attacks from the Federal government, or (2) support pro-growth revenue streams that close the budget gap, expand the public good, invest in this city's economic engines – small businesses and their people, and improves the infrastructure of this city.
The city has tools at its disposal to close this budget gap – such as the measure proposed in this report, the Corporate Income Inequality Tax – that will allow it to structurally redefine how we pay for the needs of our population, while tackling the decades long harms of disinvestment, austerity, and income inequality.
01 — How Did We Get Here?
Chicago's significant budget gap
The City of Chicago is facing up to a $1.2 billion gap in the corporate budget for FY 2026 equaling the historic gap the city faced coming out of COVID in 2021. There are a number of factors that have led to this deficit that the city is facing:
- Deferred pension payments by previous administrations that mean the current administration has to contribute more to be on track.
- Expenditure growth over the past 5 years (8%) has outpaced revenue growth (5%) due to inflationary pressures and contractual increases without significant growth in economic activity or revenues.
- Failure to enact revenue measures that tax corporate profits and extreme wealth.
- Decreased revenue from the state due to changes in the percentage of the Local Government Distributive Tax (local portion of the state income tax) and Personal Property Replacement Tax (PPRT, state corporate taxes for cities) that local governments receive and overall falling revenues of the PPRT.
Additionally the city is facing threats of funding cuts from the federal government that could lead to an even wider deficit.
It is important to note that as this budget deficit has grown, the public good has steadily eroded. At moments of financial distress - manufactured by poor fiscal and tax policy, we have seen an increase in privatization, corporate subsidies, and programmatic cuts rather than an expansion of revenue to improve quality of life for all Chicagoans.
These fiscal policy decisions from previous administrations have enabled the growth of income inequality by reducing the supports people need to escape the impacts of past discrimination and harm and have made the city less affordable by failing to mitigate the impacts of the market on rent, transportation, and food costs. Ultimately, these decisions have hurt the well being of many Chicagoans.
02 — The State of Income Inequality
A city of widening extremes
Chicago ranks tenth in the world and 4th in the U.S. for the number of millionaires with 127,100 or one in every 21 Chicagoans. The number of millionaires has grown 24% in the last decade. Chicago is also home to 295 centi-millionaires (having at least $100 million) and 25 billionaires. In Illinois, those filing taxes with income over $1 million grew by 114% from 14,110 in 2010 to 30,220 in 2022.
In the same city with increasing wealth, we see 73,375 people experiencing homelessness (a 10.4% increase over the previous year) and 51% of renters who are cost burdened, or paying more than 30% of their income for rent. That number rises to 88.6 percent when you look at the city's lowest income renters. Fair market rent for a 2-bedroom apartment is $1,714 and you must earn $68,560 to be able to afford it, far above the minimum wage.
One in five Chicagoans experiences food insecurity defined as lack of consistent access to adequate, nutritious food. In some neighborhoods that amount rises to as high as 50% (Austin) or 61% (West Englewood).
The gap between those with the most and those with the least in Chicago has been growing over the past decade. The growth of millionaires is 8 times greater than the growth of individuals receiving a living wage. Between 2014 - 2024, there was a 3% growth in individuals earning $50,000 - $100,000, while millionaires grew by 24%.
Disparities by race are even more stark. The median income of White households in Chicago is $102,281, while Black households is $43,744, and Latine households is $62,046. Including assets and debt, white households in Chicago have a median net wealth of $210,000 while Latine households have $38,080 and Black households have $0.
median net wealth, including assets and debt.
median net wealth, including assets and debt.
median net wealth, including assets and debt.
The passage of the most recent federal tax bill (HR1 - BBB) will deepen this divide by pushing more than 500,000 Illinoisans off Medicaid, putting 427,000 people at risk of losing food assistance, decreasing the post-tax income for the bottom 20%, while seeing the top 20% of earners see the largest increase in after-tax income.
03 — The Role of Corporate Taxation
How corporate taxation has played a role
Corporations in Chicago are contributing to the trend of growing income inequality by overcompensating their top executives, paying below living wages on average, and failing to pass on the impacts of tax cuts by providing wage increases to employees or creating more jobs. The corporations with the top paid executives in Chicago have extremely large ratios between the highest paid employee and the median salary. The average ratio was 380 to 1 while McDonald's ratio is 1,014 to 1 with a median salary of $17,000. Nearly 50% of those corporations' median salaries fall below the $68,560 needed to afford a 2-bedroom apartment in Chicago.
For the last decade, corporations in Chicago and across the state have paid less and less taxes into supporting public infrastructure, and services for the public good.
- In 2014, Rahm removed the Chicago Head Tax that was for big businesses (businesses greater than 50 employees) that went towards city operational funds
- In 2017, Trump enacted the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA), which slashed the top federal corporate tax rate from 35% to a flat 21%—the largest corporate tax cut in U.S. history. This wasn't just about rates; it was about expanding tax expenditures — loopholes, credits, and abatements — that have grown dramatically, diverting billions annually from public coffers.
- Corporate tax revenues dropped sharply in the first few years after the TCJA's enactment. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) attributed most of this decline to the reduction in the corporate tax rate. For example, the effective tax rate for active corporations decreased from 26.4% in 2017 to 12.5% in 2018.
- The total tax subsidies for corporations from 2018-2022 were $275 billion – put that in comparison to the $168 billion it would cost to eliminate poverty in this country.
Corporate tax subsidies totaled $275 billion from 2018–2022 — more than the $168 billion it would cost to eliminate poverty in this country.
Who benefited from these tax breaks?
Despite the theory that reducing taxes on corporations will lift all boats, studies on the 2017 TCJA reveal that almost all of the benefits flowed to the very top—49% to firm owners, 11% to executives, and 40% to high-income workers (those in the top 10% within their firms). A staggering zero percent went to low-paid workers.
Executives alone pocketed an estimated $13.2 billion annually, a pay bump of roughly $50,000 per executive, while median workers saw nothing. In fact, 81% of the TCJA's corporate tax cut benefits were captured by the top 10% of the U.S. income distribution. This has directly fueled the widening chasm of income inequality, with the share of wealth held by the top 1% surging from 22.8% in 1989 to 30.8% in 2024, while the bottom 50% saw their share shrink. The Gini coefficient, a key measure of income inequality, has steadily risen from 38.3 in 1990 to 41.8 in 2023. In Chicago, during that same time period, the Gini coefficient rose from .28 to .5235, an 87% increase.
of the TCJA's benefits flowed here.
plus 40% to high-income workers in the top 10% of their firms.
a staggering zero percent reached them.
Job growth & tax breaks for corporations
The notion that "tax breaks create more jobs" is a myth that has been thoroughly debunked by empirical evidence. Research consistently shows that while corporate tax cuts may boost profits and shareholder payouts, they do not reliably translate into broad-based job creation or higher wages for the majority of workers. This could demonstrate that other factors, like access to a skilled workforce, market demand, and robust public services, are more influential in driving economic activity than tax cuts alone. Indeed, studies suggest that when tax revenues are strategically invested in public services—like infrastructure, education, and public safety—they can actively promote economic development and job growth, far more effectively than simply cutting taxes.
The downstream effects of decreasing corporate tax revenue
Taxes aren't raised just for the purpose of raising revenue – those funds flow into city, county, and state infrastructure that allow businesses to operate, and support families in all income brackets. The decrease in corporate tax revenue not only decreased what was possible (such as closing the poverty gap), but also triggered disinvestment across the federal government. We see this disinvestment in the passthrough of federal grants at the state and local level – especially in moments like now, where HR.1 BBB will result in deleterious effects on our public infrastructure.
The expansion of corporate tax cuts in the Big Beautiful Bill
With the passage of the "Big Beautiful Bill" through Congress on July 3, 2025 – we will see a further expansion of corporate and ultra wealthy tax cuts, paid for by – increasing our debt burden as a country by more than $3 trillion, and reducing investments in the public good – including the elimination of 11.8 million peoples' healthcare, a sharp expansion of the carceral state through a $4.8 billion investment in prisons and a $76 billion investment in immigration enforcement and detention, and a degradation of public infrastructure through the elimination of nearly $2 billion in green building funding.
04 — How the City Can Step In
The Corporate Income Inequality Tax
There are many tools that the state and city can use to step in to fill the gaps created by corporate tax subsidies. When looking at the specific issue of taxation – where the state has not stepped in to close the gap, the City has the ability to enact revenue measures on corporations, pursuant to its "home rule" jurisdiction.
A measure that can take a step to fill the gap of corporate tax subsidies while addressing the longer-term harms of income inequality is the pro-growth, Payroll-Derived Expense Tax (as an excise tax), known as the Corporate Income Inequality Tax.
It is a business excise tax that large businesses pay on the privilege of doing business in Chicago. Businesses eligible for the measure need to qualify with both of the following size-based criteria: those with global annual payrolls greater than $8,000,000, and those with employees that are paid $200,000 or more. The taxing mechanism is the corporation will pay an excise tax measured by 5% of the payroll cost (inclusive of stock grants and RSUs) annually to the City of Chicago on the payroll cost of all employees that earn $200,000 or more. This has a projected revenue of $1.5 billion of potential revenue.
Who qualifies & how it works
Global annual payroll > $8,000,000 — and the business employs people paid $200,000 or more. Both criteria must be met.
5% excise on payroll cost (inclusive of stock grants and RSUs) of all employees who earn $200,000 or more.
~$1.5 billion in projected potential revenue for the City of Chicago.
This fund would allocate 5% of its revenue to an annual Small Business Economic Growth Fund – potentially $50-100m – where half would be offered as low-interest loans in the form of a revolving fund that would grow overtime, and half would be offered as grants directly to businesses.
This fund would invest in Chicago's economic engine – the small and medium sized businesses that have grown this economy over the last 10 years. This could allow each ward to invest in emerging businesses, those that have traditionally had difficulty raising capital for their venture, or those that need emergency relief.
Interactive
The revenue estimator
The report sets the proposal at a 5% excise rate, projecting $1.5 billion in revenue, with 5% of that seeding the Small Business Economic Growth Fund. Drag the slider to see how the projection scales — and what the small-business fund would hold — at other rates.
Corporate Income Inequality Tax — revenue estimator
Projected city revenue, and the resulting Small Business Economic Growth Fund (5% of revenue).
05 — Precedent
Corporate taxes are not the job killers they're made out to be
This type of payroll expense tax was adopted by Seattle in 2020, called JumpStart. Each year, this tax measure has outperformed its goals, while driving economic growth within Seattle.
One of the primary narrative detractors to a corporate-related tax measure is that it is a "job killer" – akin to the language Mayor Rahm Emanuel used in 2014 during his campaign to eliminate the Head Tax. When looking at Seattle from 2020 - 2025, we see that narrative as purely political. When looking at the BLS (Bureau of Labor Statistics) employment data for Seattle, we see steady growth across the overall workforce from pre-implementation through to post implementation.
Factoring in the fact that implementation was in 2020 during a time when jobs started to grow again after a plummet due to COVID, job levels have exceeded that of 2019 and early 2020 levels.
When looking specifically at "Professional & Business Services" job growth, we see a similar trend – levels that have continued to be higher than 2019.
Though we do not attribute job growth to this revenue measure, we can derive the counterfactual – that the measure did not create job loss.
The Seattle experience – what was learned
Seattle's JumpStart Tax was implemented in 2021, focusing on structuring what was an excise tax on payrolls exceeding a certain threshold (to hold harmless small businesses) – inclusive of stock grants and RSUs. This has allowed for Seattle to include the shifting dynamic of executive pay (from salary to equity) into the tax measure.
The implementation of this tax far outpaced the initial revenue projection of $219 million, helping them fill sizeable budget gaps in the last 2 years, as well as materially invest more into affordable, low-income and green social housing, as well as small business support and equitable development initiatives.
Seattle JumpStart Tax revenue
Each year far outpaced the initial $219 million projection.
Initial revenue projection: $219 million. Bar length is proportional to revenue raised.
Conclusion
One revenue stream, two problems addressed
We know that the long-term impact of austerity budgets is decreased investments in our most vulnerable populations. Chicago must take leadership in defending its city services, investing in our small business community, expanding the public good, and doing so by bucking the trend of corporate subsidies and tax breaks.
The Corporate Income Inequality Tax is one step towards taking that leadership, and closing the city budget gap while also addressing the longstanding harms of growing income inequality in this city.
This singular revenue stream can close the city budget gap and can move us to a position where we are not just meeting the current obligations but increasing investment in needed city services that can help pull our neighbors out of poverty and begin curbing the trend of the growing income inequality.
References
Sources
- Visual Capitalist — Millionaire Hubs: The World's Wealthiest Cities
- WGN Radio — Chicago is 4th-ranked city for number of millionaires
- Henley Global — USA Wealth Report 2025, Top 10 Wealthiest Cities
- IRS — SOI Tax Stats, Historic Table 2
- Chicago Coalition for the Homeless
- Institute for Housing Studies — 2023 State of Rental Housing in Chicago
- Greater Chicago Food Depository — Community Data Map
- CMAP — Community Data Snapshots 2024
- Henley Global — USA Wealth Report 2025
- Neilsberg — Chicago median household income by race
- UIC Great Cities Institute — Latino Neighborhoods
- Color of Wealth — Chicago
- Chicago Sun-Times — Trump mega tax bill & Illinois
- The New York Times — The domestic policy bill, in charts
- Highest paid CEO's in the Chicago Area (2025), Crain's Data Center
- Tax Policy Center — How did the TCJA change business taxes?
- Peter G. Peterson Foundation — How did the TCJA affect corporate tax revenues?
- Scioto Analysis — How much would it cost to end poverty in the US?
- CBPP — Congress should revisit the 2017 tax law's corporate rate cut
- CBPP — Congress should revisit the 2017 tax law's corporate rate cut
- Gini coefficient: inequality measured on a scale from 0 to 1, where higher values indicate greater inequality — the expected gap in income between two random people, averaged across all pairs.
- UIC Voorhees Center — A Deepening Divide
- Neilsberg — Chicago median household income
- NBER — Working Paper 21035
- CBPP — Corporate tax cuts mainly benefit shareholders and CEOs, not workers
- CBPP — Reversing corporate tax cuts to fund infrastructure
- The New York Times — Trump policy bill, health insurance cuts
- The New York Times — Senate Republican megabill (Upshot)
- U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics — Seattle Professional & Business Services employment
- U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics — Seattle total nonfarm employment
- Axios Seattle — City Council, JumpStart tax, 2025–2026 budget
- City of Seattle Legistar — JumpStart records
- Dare to Reimagine — JumpStart Seattle case study
- Washington Research Council — Payroll Expense Tax 2023
If you have any questions on this report, please get in contact through our website at www.publicgoodpolicy.org/keepintouch.